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Monday, December 15, 2008
Dreams and memories
A bipartisan approach to Russia
Across the board and the political spectrum, I am hearing the same thing from Russian experts: trust and confidence in the United States has not been lower since the end of the Cold War. In fact, it’s not a distrust of American motives that poisons the relationship (though a handful of Russian nationalists/hawks still cling to the notion that the US has cynical “grand designs” on the former Soviet sphere of influence) but a distrust of our competence to wield power responsibly [...]These takeaways from interactions with Russian elites actually sound much more optimistic than I would have expected, and Matt's policy recommendations are also a bit optimistic, but I suppose we must allow ourselves the audacity of optimism.
All in all, the current Russian perspective on the US is one of fear and insecurity–not because Russians think the US has evil intentions, but because they are certain we have no idea how to pursue our various noble-sounding global objectives without leaving utter chaos and destruction in our wake.
Wordle breaks down "tandemocracy"
The weighty abbreviation for "billions" takes pride of place, "dollars" is not far behind, and VVP's cloud is full of action verbs and meaty nouns.Now let's compare the word cloud based on the RSS feed of Medvedev's speeches (granted, not a perfect comparison, because Medvedev is not referred to in the third person in any of these items as Putin is in some of the items used to form his word cloud)
Can you feel the difference? It looks like Medvedev really is more of a fluffy teddy bear, giving substantial weight to "cooperation" and talking a lot about being "happy." Obviously it would be foolish to give any weight to this overall, but I'll allow myself a moment of optimism that both Medvedev and his new counterpart in the White House will at least try to "think cooperation."
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
More fun with maps
Recently I've been taking advantage of London's status as the center of the world's antique maps trade and have been checking out some of the offerings. The two maps below are not exactly antique - they are from Harmsworth's Atlas, n.d. but variously dated as 1919-1923 - but they are pretty interesting. The first appears to show the brief period after WWI during which the states of the South Caucasus were independent. The second shows that Romania within its current borders (much less its interwar borders) is a relatively recent phenomenon and that when it comes to the notion of redrawing borders in that part of the world, just about any group can select a long-ago date to use as a reference point that would give it more than what it has today.
Tuesday, December 09, 2008
The more things change...
The traditional American Sovietologists harp on the difficulties and unpredictability of Russia's internal processes, which do not fit the usual Western criteria and stereotypes. Some analysts cannot accept the idea of a strong Russia, whether it be imperial or democratic. They propose that the West either take a wait-and-see approach or develop a new containment strategy.
Partnership opponents within Russia...reject cooperation with the West as inseparable from the democratizing of Russia, and view democratization itself as an obstacle to renewed authoritarianism and the forceful establishment of "order" within the territory of the former Soviet Union.
All the opponents of partnership - Russian and American - share the thesis that Russia is doomed to confrontation with the world around it and that East and West are fatally incompatible.
The author of these lines was Yeltsin's first Foriegn Minister, Andrei Kozyrev, writing in the May/June 1994 issue of Foreign Affairs. That article, titled "The Lagging Partnership," also had the following forward-looking statement, which might seem prophetic had it not been fairly self-evident at the time:
Russian foreign policy inevitably has to be of an independent and assertive nature. If Russian democrats fail to achieve it, they will be swept away by a wave of aggressive nationalism, which is now exploiting the need for national and state self-assertion.Not that the Putvedev years have been years of unadulterated "aggressive nationalism," but the guys in power have certainly learned to ride that wave.
A thousand words
They are both by
I found these masterpieces entered in an online photo contest sponsored by Samsung:
Author's caption: "This is our motherland"This is a suitable epitaph for the erstwhile political party Rodina (Motherland),
which often seemed more concerned with stirring up ethnic tension than with
helping out Russians like the elderly woman foraging for food in this photo.
Monday, December 08, 2008
Transnistrian developments
Two of these men are now recognized by Moscow as Presidents (without the scare quotes).
[image source]
For those of you interested in the still-"frozen" conflict in Moldova (interest in which has increased after the unfreezing of the conflicts in Georgia this summer), I have collected a few relatively recent and worthwhile articles on the topic.
The must-read of the bunch is by William Hill, who provides both an excellent grounding in the history of the conflict for those less familiar with it and the level of insight one would expect from someone who has been involved in the resolution process for years.
Another interesting perspective is provided by Thomas de Waal, dean of the Caucasus conflict journalists, who reflects on his first visit to Transnistria and breaks down some of the key differences between Moldova's secessionist conflict and the ones in the Caucasus.
If you're interested in the view from Tiraspol, this write-up of Transnistria's de facto leadership's visit to Moscow earlier this fall (by the region's acting foreign minister) provides some insight. Unfortunately, the translation is not perfect and to get the full flavor you should read the original version in Russian. As an example of what gets lost in translation, the sentence translated as the neutral-sounding "The Russian Federation has already rendered assistance to Transnistria" could just as easily have been translated as "[Transnistria] is experienced in receiving aid from Russia," which puts the secessionist leaders' hat-in-hand trip to Moscow in a somewhat different light.
Finally, this article by a Moscow analyst discusses why a settlement did not take place after a flurry of activity this fall and why one may not be likely in the foreseeable future. The Russian version is available here.
For ongoing coverage of developments, you can sign up for this regular email bulletin put out by a Moldovan think-tank which includes a section on Transnistria, although the English version is sometimes incomprehensible.
Friday, December 05, 2008
South Ossetian Shakeup?
Kommersant has run a lengthy interview with former Russian army general and former South Ossetian de facto Minister of Defense which puts the region's president, former wrestling champion and phys. ed. teacher Eduard Kokoity, in a rather unflattering light.
General Anatoly Barankevich is one of the examples cited in recent years by Western observers in order to highlight the fact that South Ossetian secessionism at some point shifted from "self-determination" to a situation where the determination of key personnel appointments took place in Moscow. There were other former (or seconded) Russian officers serving in the territory's de facto government, but he was among the most prominent. And now he has come out with an interview mocking Kokoity's flight from Tskhinvali during the five-day war and relating tales of a reconstruction effort paralyzed by corruption.
One of the more damning excerpts reads as follows (my translation, hopefully Kommersant will put this on their English-language website but they haven't done so yet) - Barankevich is relating a scene he observed at a police station in Dzhava on August 10th:
And then I saw the following picture: a Georgian prisoner with his hands tied and shirt off, his hands had already gone blue, you couldn't see his eyes, he couldn't even cry, and the [South Ossetian] militants [бойцы, apparently police officers - trans.] were beating him. I went over to them and said, "What are you doing? You are mountain men [горцы - implying, apparently, that they should hew to some code of honor - trans.]. You can't beat a prisoner, his hands are tied." They looked embarrassed and said, "Sorry, comrade General."Without wanting to engage in too much Kremlinological tea-leaf-reading, one wonders what the publication of this interview means, given that it was published in a newspaper owned by Alisher Usmanov, the Kremlin-friendly oligarch and debt collector for Gazprom who - no doubt out of the goodness of his heart, and certainly not to win a natural resource tender - ponied up a billion rubles in aid for the post-war rebuilding effort in South Ossetia in September.
I told them to go get someone from the KGB. To take the Georgian away. Right away they untied his hands. And then the president showed up. He saw me, saw the prisoner and understood what was going on. And the first thing he did was run up to the prisoner and start kicking him. It turned my stomach. The guys from the police looked at the ground, they were ashamed.
I somehow doubt that Eduard Kokoity is feeling comfortable in his presidential chair.
Research Bliss
Below is a link to an article I happened upon about the re-registration of Moscow residents in 1999. As I was reading it, before seeing the by-line at the bottom, I wondered what might have become of the journalist who wrote such a wonderful story - touching, humorous and incisive all at the same time. Turns out it was written by one of the giants of Russian journalism, Valery Panyushkin.
Бизнес на гостях // 21 сентября в Москве закончилась перерегистрация иногородних. Теперь ходят слу открыть материал ... |
Thursday, December 04, 2008
New in the Moldovasphere

For some reason, I was reminded of Alexander Culiuc's posts about branding Moldova as a tourist and investment destination and developing a "brand" for the Moldovan blogosphere.
And, via

One of the people involved in the project is Barabanov's wife and fellow New Times journalist Natalia Morari. The front page of the website suggests a level of thoughtfulness (or perhaps just contrariness) which could mean this website will be more interesting than other attempts to get Moldovan youth to pay attention to politics (not that this is necessarily their primary motivation, but elections are coming up next spring...):
ThinkMoldova is a platform dedicated to young people. It is the place where young people directly participate in proposing new ideas and take part in the decisions important for their own future and their country.
ThinkMoldova is about giving initiative to young people and fights to offer them the possibility to affirm themselves outside of the conventional, hierarchical and parochial institutions prevalent in Moldova’s society and political system.
ThinkMoldova is an independent platform without any political affiliations, where young people are encouraged to express their views freely and all democratic and tolerant perspectives are taken into consideration and encouraged.
ThinkMoldova is a self-financed organization which is open to contributions by individuals, organizations or companies.
Our Mission
To contribute to the development of an active generation and to the general development of Moldova and its citizens.
To create an active and productive dialogue between decision makers, experts and young people.

