Wednesday, April 08, 2009

The morning after, or the dawn of a revolution?

Perevorot?
[image source]

Protesters planned to reassemble in downtown Chisinau at 10am local time today (that is, about an hour ago). The latest news I have is from an email sent around by a friend of ours in Chisinau a few hours ago:
It is 7am in Chisinau and a fresh day is about to start.

A quick update on the night's events:

1. Parliament building is no longer in flames

2. The night in Chisinau's center was peaceful

3. The major local news networks either are not allowed to work by the Communist party or are actually getting some rest until the later in the morning

Thank you for sending me updates and news on Moldova from the international press. I find that the Western press has been very professional at capturing the reality on the ground and the reasons for why the youth are on the streets. As NY times put it - it is a generational clash - the youth (who voted mostly anti-communist, for lack of job opportunities in Moldova or even abroad this year in the context of the global crisis) and the older generation nostalgic after the "stability" offered by the current and former Communist governments.

Some notable articles:

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/08/world/europe/08moldova.html?_r=1&hp
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7988893.stm

Some pics and videos:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GDu_-RQdprU
http://unimedia.info/?mod=foto&id=4
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_pictures/7988028.stm

One last note for this early morning - this is the FIRST Even large scale protest that turned into violence in Moldova since 1989, when the first large-scale meetings were taking place to support Moldova's independence and union with Romania.

Moldovans on the whole are a very peaceful nation, and would rather sit at the table with you over a home-made glass of wine [...] than take to the streets. [...] The opposition promised to continue the peaceful protests in the main square and have been asking now for families to join in in a sign of solidarity. The lady in the Parliament who was thought dead is actually well. So it seems that in spite of all the damage inflicted on the Parliament and the Presidency, thankfully no one has lost his/her life.
And a further update from 10:50am Chisinau time:
Just got back home in Chisinau. All well. The violence continues to be
localized in the center.

The leaders of the opposition party as well as Voronin and Greceanii
are in talks now. They are all calling for a restoration of calm.

It could be that the protesters go and take over the public TV,
Moldova 1, which all day has been showing images from ballet shows and
other nonsense but nothing about the major protests.

The country on the whole is safe and calm, but there are some protests
in Balti, the second-largest city in Moldova.

There are 3 victims already [presumably injured], one of them being
a 13-year old.

And a message from 10 minutes later:
Unfortunately it's getting worse by the minute. There are injured and
potential deceased already because of the violence on the streets. It
is very worrying indeed as there is innocent blood being shed for no
reason or purpose. No leader of the crowds has emerged yet.
Dumitru Minzarari reposts some of the pictures showing what appears to have been looting of the parliament building (these are making the rounds and provide very good ammo to those who wish to discredit the opposition) and continues to be concerned about the "ugly face" of yesterday's protests:
I have already mentioned earlier that I was somehow upset by some radicalized youth, which mixed their anger for stolen elections with their personal political preferences. The protest is about elections, and not about unification with Romania. There is more than a half of the population that does not share these views. By shouting “united with Romania” they have offended and rebuffed many other young people which are also not happy with the Communist government, and which are Russian-speaking.
One netizen has posted photos from yesterday's protests with the caption, "Oh gosh, rednecks take over =(" - this I found via the md_community page on LiveJournal, which has at least one eyewitness account of the protests and seems to be aggregating anti-protester rumors and commentary. For instance, one poster there is alleging that some of the protesters were paid for their participation (a common allegation about any mass protest in the post-Soviet space) and bused in from rural areas and is soliciting any first-hand accounts of this. I also read there that apparently the Russian government has dispatched a plane with emergency aid to Moldova, not sure if that's true or not - no time this morning to check the Russian news sites to see how this is all playing in Moscow.

According to Unimedia, the Moldovan government has closed the border with Romania, at least to journalists and to Moldovan students attempting to return home.

In other coverage I missed yesterday, Siberian Light had a post covering the situation.

I think that's all for now - I suggest following the situation on Twitter, which is continuing to provide updates and links to other online content (like this).

Tuesday, April 07, 2009

Overnight updates from Chisinau



If you're looking to follow developments in Chisinau, some of the pages I've linked to in previous posts are still being updated on an ongoing basis. This post is to provide an update on things I missed earlier or which have just been posted in the couple of hours since my last post.

First, although it's not perfect, Technorati is not a bad way to follow blog coverage of the situation in Moldova.

Next, I should highlight a couple of reports that there has been gunfire in the city center - one from Dumitru Minzarari (who has also posted a number of further updates including photos and questions about who actually instigated the violence, as well as a further post linking to other coverage elsewhere) and another from curaj.net.

The NYT's blog The Lede has a post focused around the role of Twitter in the protests, which features an interview with Moldovan blogger Mihai Moscovici. And the online NYT headlines its story on Tuesday's events "Violent Protests Erupt in Moldova."

Kosmopolito has the second installation of its Moldovan correspondent's report from Chisinau.

And, last but not least, reminding us that Americans are great at jumping into other people's battles armed with all of the necessary informational technology but sometimes bereft of elementary information, is a post on Foreign Policy's Passport blog, which rather shockingly observes that "In fact, since Moldova declared independence in 1990 the PCRM [Moldovan Communist Party] has never relinquished power." This is, um, totally wrong.

Apparently the author of the post has not consulted Dmitry Furman's outstanding article, "Surprising Moldova," which notes that the country has transferred power peacefully
multiple times in the post-Soviet period, not to mention Wikipedia, which also points this out. Just a little reminder that we should all exercise humility when making pronouncements about issues on which we might not be fully informed.

Chisinau at night - a roundup

Unimedia has posted new photos from the evening's events:


[source for both - unimedia.info]

In addition, Unimedia's blow-by-blow account of events gives us the following quotes (translated by a non-native English speaker, apparently) from opposition figures:
Vlad Filat, president of Liberal Democrat Party: "The Communists want to put the accent from fake elections to violent actions, because the police, which was in a small number at the protest, could not assure the public order."

Dorin Chirtoacă, vice-president of the Liberal Party says that there were provocateurs among the young people that have thrown first with stones and made that a peaceful action become violence.


It has been quite a day - and apparently quite an evening - in Chisinau.



drugoi posted this photo by Reuters photog Gleb Garanich of a young protester apparently after looting some high-tech gear from the Parliament building.

It's interesting to follow reactions from around the Internet. One website from Moldova's secessionist region, Transnistria, has a post up in which the author talks about the "indescribable sense of pleasure and schaudenfreude" he experienced while watching the rather tragic events of Tuesday unfold in Chisinau. A couple of commenters on the post have taken the author to task for such sentiments, but in general its not surprising that folks in Transnistria, which has for many years existed in de facto separation from Moldova, would have different impressions of the events in Chisinau, especially as the nationalistic overtones of some of the Moldovan protesters reinforce one of the reasons that Transnistria initially sought to split from Moldova. The condescension of Transnistrians regarding their right-bank (de jure) compatriots, though, is a bit too much at times - witness this post dubbing today's events the "Mamaliga Revolution," after the polenta-like Moldovan national dish.

A commenter on sholademi's LJ blog this evening reported peaceful demonstrations in the largest city in Moldova's north, Balti, and noted that there were a lot of police in the streets and that "land line phones are not working, nor is [local] TV - we're watching the Romanian channels."

Georgian blogger cyxymu posts a set of Reuters photos and adds the sympathetic title, "I wouldn't wish this even on an enemy."

Blogger Julien Frisch has a post about the protests with a number of links to coverage from around the web.

Yandex's Russian-language blog aggregator now has a dedicated page titled "'Color Revolution' in Moldova," collecting on-topic posts. I haven't read too many of the reactions from the Russian blogosphere, but it's fair to assume that a substantial percentage will fall back on negative opinions of "color revolutions" formed during the events in Ukraine and Georgia years ago.

I've taken a bit of time to translate one last nugget I found on the web - a comment on one of Natalia Morari's posts about the protests - because I think it articulates what many older and more level-headed (or perhaps passive) Moldovans might have thought about the election results and protests initially [ellipsis as in original]:
...so who voted for the Communists? A bunch of grandmas and old ladies...and? Riiiiight, lots of our parents... if the people who are now shouting out in the main square could have convinced their parents not to vote for the Communists, then maybe they wouldn't have won?

But this raises two questions:

1) Who should they have voted for?
2) How can they be convinced otherwise? Yesterday I was talking with my mother, she is retired and receives a pension, just like my father... but he still goes to work, he teaches at a university, so he's a state employee... anyway, I asked her, "Why did you vote for the Communists?"

She answered, "They increased my pension."

I told her, that this was at the expense of the youth, and let's imagine that she told me she didn't care, her own children are overseas and she's in Moldova, she has to think about herself.

"In years past part of our heating bill was paid by the city government, but now Chirtoaca [a prominent opposition politician and Mayor of Chisinau] fell out with the heating utility company, and we have to pay the whole amount."

Even though I know that the Communists were also involved in this conflict, it's hard to argue with the much higher heating bills...

"Before the Communists came to power I was afraid to go outside, but now things are stable in the country, there is less crime..."

I have to agree with this, although I can't say I'd let my kids outside alone even now...

"A bunch of other reasons..."

And it's not so important why they voted for the Communists, what matters is that no one was able to convince them otherwise and no one gave them another worthy choice instead...

And now, when parents see their children out on the square, they will be even more firmly on the side of the Communists, I won't bother to write why, it's obvious...

Moldovan election observation - in London

The last time Moldova held national elections, in 2005, we were in Moscow and weren't yet fortunate enough to have a small child to take along to the voting. That year, I posted a photo report covering the voting by Moldovan citizens in Moscow and especially Lorina's experience in line. Interestingly, the Russian authorities' slant that year was against Voronin's Communist Party, which is the opposite of their preference this year.

This year, we're in London and decided on Sunday to make our way to the Moldovan Embassy in Chiswick so that she could fulfill her civic duty and vote. As it turns out, the Embassy here is not as centrally located as the one in Moscow. That was no trouble, though, as once we made it to the proper Tube stop and boarded the bus, we were practically surrounded by Moldovans on their way to vote, which made it easy to get off at the right stop.

There was a small but very slow-moving line at the Embassy when we arrived, and a lot of people were taking pictures - some of them, no doubt, have posted them online, although I'm not sure where to find them (suggestions posted in the comments section would be welcome).




There were also a number of observers, duly wearing nametags, who seemed to be doing a thorough job. Tonight, as emails were making the rounds of the Moldovan community in London to organize a protest at the Embassy in solidarity with the people in the streets in Chisinau, one of the observers pointed out that they hadn't noticed anything untoward in the way the voting was conducted here at the Embassy in London.



Indeed, the place for voting was clearly marked, and the line moved steadily - albeit slowly - forward. Inside, there was even (instant) coffee and tea as well as some cookies, which came in handy to placate our very own little Moldo-American, who was attending his first national election.


Once the line made its way inside, there was a room with a few tables, each of which had an election official verifying people's identities - Lorina thought it strange that they demanded both a Moldovan address and a local London address - and explaining how to use the ballot. The bottleneck of a line seemed to be created not only by people's excessively long conversations with the elections officials - like the one guy who tried to start an argument over why the ballot was available in Russian when Romanian is the state language - as well as the fact that there was only one voting booth.

But for patient citizens, it was not an excessive wait to exercise the sacred right to vote. In the event, Alexander proved to be an excellent helper for his mother - and got the ballot into the box on the very first try.




We can only hope that all of the ballots from London - and no extras - made their way back to Moldova. As we left, there was still a line of people waiting to vote.

News from Chisinau

The following account is from an email circulated by a Moldovan friend of mine who has been trying to keep everyone up to date on the developments in Chisinau:
So today's street protests have resulted in 100 victims at the emergency rooms (half of which were policemen). Not sure yet if there are any dead - the news are contradictory.

The situation is getting worse because:

1. The authorities in power are not doing anything to stop the fire at the Parliament. The firefighters are not even there even if the mayor has requested for their immediate intervention at the Parliament as well as for the police to protect our common assets and put an end to vandalism and pillaging.

2. The teenagers in the centre have started drinking heavily and are not under anyone's control.

3. The Communist party does not want to go for a recount of the ballots, which is further infuriating the masses.

4. The army has been asked to intervene in full - but I am not sure what this means. The night is here, so the army could take advantage of the protesters' tiredness and/or drunkenness to use violence against them and try to disperse the crowds (a potential scenario, given that something like this has been done in the past).

The good news is that the opposition leaders (mainly FIlat and Chirtoaca) are speaking the same language and are asking the masses to maintain their calm and protest peacefully. Unfortunately they are not allowed to express their views and call to peaceful protests on the Main Public TV station (which is still an arm of the Communist party and all throughout the election campaign has promoted only the views and "achievements" of the Communist party).

Most of the Moldovan news outlets have been closed down by the ruling communist party. The Moldova 1 news channel (public TV station) is now featuring a football game, while all the Romanian TV stations (main one being Realitatea TV) plus the Moldovan independent news media (TV7 and PRO TV, as well as news.yam.ro) are continuously streaming news from the centre.

Listening to Vocea Basarabiei now and the protesters are shouting:
- "Freedom"
- "Down with the communists"
- "We are not leaving from here"

Its 11pm in Chisinau. I am going to keep on monitoring the situation from the safety of my parents' apartment. It will be important to get some rest tonight and get a better idea of what the best course of action is in this very difficult situation, when one's civic duty calls for one to be on the streets supporting democracy, rule of law and fairness in this very poor but promising society that has endured a lot from from the various communist regimes since 1945.
The situation does not look promising, although I suppose we can hope that some good might yet come of it.

"Chisinau burning"? *

Downtown Chisinau, April 6 - I have to say I'd prefer to see fewer Romanian flags and more Moldovan flags, but maybe that's just me.
[image source]

It looks like the democracy is hitting the fan in the capital of Moldova today. Sunday's elections resulted in a victory for the ruling Communist Party, and a protest planned for Tuesday morning has now turned violent. Apparently military units are now arriving in downtown Chisinau and protests are being planned or taking place in other cities as well (I have read about Balti and Ungheni so far).

A number of bloggers are covering events, mostly in Romanian (the language spoken by most of the population in Moldova, where Russian is also spoken by many), and according to the Telegraph, Twitter was a key organizing tool for the protesters today.

Here is a link to what seems to be the most active Twitter feed for following events in Chisinau,** although according to this post (which also has some videos and is being regularly updated), there are rumors that Twitter has been blocked in Moldova - not sure if they would actually be able to do that. Another report is that internet access from the country has been blocked, although I'm not sure that's accurate. According to one Twitter-er following the feed, the service has become the "new CNN."

Natalia Morari, a Moldovan journalist and activist who was famously barred from entering Russia last year, has been involved in organizing some of the protests and has posted photos from a peaceful protest by some 15,000 people on Monday and an account of how it was initially organized - by six people, organizing everything using only tools available on the internet, under the slogan "I'm not a Communist!"

According to her post, even on Monday, the organizers asked everyone to disperse and planned to reassemble on Wednesday, but "everything began unfolding rather chaotically." Tuesday's protests, for which the Liberal Democratic Party (PLDM) had official permission, apparently became even more chaotic. It's possible, though, that the chaos could have been provoked by the authorities in a bid to get the peaceful majority of the population on their side by portraying the opposition as thuggish rabble-rousers.

Now, apparently, the organizers of Monday's demonstration may be facing criminal charges and are consulting with attorneys. Further developments to follow, no doubt, at Morari's blog.

Another Moldovan blogger, Nicu Popescu, has lamented the end of Moldova's history of non-violent protests in a long and interesting post which I unfortunately haven't time to translate, and has posted a call for EU High Representative for Foreign Policy to come to Chisinau and mediate:

My suggestion is that the EU should promote a “new deal” between the government and the opposition that could include some of the following elements.

  • recount of the votes with strong international monitoring, and the recognition of the re-counted votes by the opposition.
  • the dismissal of the the minister of interior who has been central to many pre-electoral abuses and harrassment of the opposition and the media. the new minister of interior should be appointed by after consensus between the government and the opposition.
  • initiating a process of police reform under the supervision of EU advisors, possibly extending the mandate of the EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine.
  • Vladimir Voronin, the incumbent president (at the end of his second term) should respect the Moldovan constitution and retire from politics after his second term with guarantees for future immunity from prosecution. The Communist party elects a new leader, who might enjoy a majority in the parliament. There might be a Communist government (if the recount confirms their victory), but without Voronin.
  • The broadcasting licenses of existing independent media, particulaly PRO TV (the only TV channel independent from the government) should be extended. A decision on that is pending.
One can only hope that cooler heads will prevail.

Some fairly alarming photos from today have been posted here and here - below is one from the latter photoset, titled "Moldova has Awakened."

Downtown Chisinau, April 7
[image source]

I'm sure this is not the kind of awakening many Moldovans would have preferred, although it is easy to understand why so many people have lost patience with the government.

Here is one comprehensive post which is being updated as events develop and has links to photos and even to the official Ministry of Internal Affairs statement (in Romanian), just released, which states that the authorities will take "all necessary actions...to restore public order."

Romanian ProTV is running a live feed (for the moment) from downtown Chisinau here. BBC News coverage is here. RIA Novosti coverage is here.

Russia Today has video and also has a story up quoting Voronin's top adviser, Mark Tcaciuk / Tkachuk as referring to the protests as "an attempt to launch a street riot coup d’etat [sic]." It also quotes Vlad Filat, leader of the PLDM, which made it into the parliament with 12+% of the vote, as stating that his party and the Our Moldova Alliance (AMN), which also made it into the parliament with just under 10% of the vote, have signed a statement calling for the election results to be annulled. According to Morari, this proves that the protesters are not just "a bunch of losers who didn't make it into parliament."

Actually, Morari has just posted a statement on her blog calling for all opposition leaders to stop trying to take advantage of the youth protests for "political games" and to show up tonight at 7pm (that would be noon in NY and 5pm in London) to have a "dialogue between the young people who took to the streets [on Monday] and those who are trying to get into power by using that protest." She's thrown down a gauntlet of sorts: "Those parties which do not come to the National Assembly Square at 19:00 tonight will show that they may as well spit on us - on those for whom they claimed to speak [when addressing the protesters] today."

She's also posted another statement detailing today's events and disavowing the violence which began on Monday night with the overturning of some commuter minibuses and escalated today into the burning of the parliament building - the latter was "a planned provocation directed against those who took to the streets peacefully."

If the protesters manage to hold out and dig in downtown, we'll be searching for a name - perhaps it could be the Grape Revolution, or the Wine Revolution, in a nod to Moldova's most famous non-human export.

I think that's all for now. Let's all spare a thought for everyone in Chisinau and hope that things there are resolved peacefully. Here is BNE's summary of today's events and background, sent out this afternoon in a "flash" email:
Moldova: Protestors storm parliament, demand new elections
bne
April 7, 2009

A crowd of around 20,000 people has stormed the Moldovan parliament, demanding an end to the Communist Party’s rule.

Moldovan opposition leaders say the Sunday April 5 parliamentary elections which returned the Communists to power were rigged.

Angry protestors have entered the Moldovan parliament building in central Chisinau and set fire to furniture, documents and equipment from the parliament. Computers and other equipment were hurled from the building.

Other demonstrators have thrown eggs, stones and bottles at the presidency, Interfax reports.

At least 20 people are reported to be injured in clashes between police and demonstrators, and one protestor is feared to be dead. Police are now using tear gas to try and disperse the crowd.

The demonstration started peacefully with around 10,000 mainly young people calling for the end of the Communist government, and for closer ties with the EU and Romania.

As the crowd swelled, protestors carrying Moldovan, EU and Romanian flags breached the police cordon around the parliament and attacked the building

Opposition activists are demanding a repeat of Sunday’s election, which they say was rigged.

Liberal Democratic Party leader Vlad Filat told Interfax, "We have information about abuses and falsifications. Thee are many cases that citizens who are dead and Moldovan national's who are abroad "took part" in the election.”

With almost 99% of votes counted, the Communist Party had 49.96% of the vote, and is expected to pass the 50% threshold which will allow it to form a government and select the president. The Liberal Party had gained 12.78% of the vote, the Liberal Democratic Party 12.26%, and Our Moldova Alliance 9.81%.

The protest come after the OSCE declared the elections at the weekend largely “free and fair,” but admitted there were some abuses.

“Yesterday's parliamentary elections in Moldova met many international standards and commitments, but further improvements are required to ensure an electoral process free from undue administrative interference and to increase public confidence,” the OSCE said in a press release on Monday.
*The title of this post is hardly original. It's been used (already) by a couple of Romanian media outlets and at least one blogger.
** Note that the tag to search on Twitter, #pman, is the abbreviation of "National Great Assembly Square" - where the protests are taking place - Piata Marii Adunari Nationale in Romanian. Thanks to Mihai Moscovici for pointing this out (and a hat tip to GVO).


[Update 16:25GMT]

As the US is waking up and the English-language world is taking a bit of notice of what's happening in Chisinau, which is generally ignored by the Western media, there are a couple of on-point English-language posts.

Evgeny Morozov has a very well-written and thorough post about the role of social networking websites in the protests and suggesting that the unrest be dubbed the "Twitter Revolution." He links to a website that's aggregating all of the Twitter posts flagged #pman, which makes it easier to interpret the flow of news.

Nosemonkey's EUtopia also has a post with several videos and links to other online coverage. He notes that
with both internet and phone networks down in Moldova itself, reliable information is hard to come by. The major Western television news networks are - so far - silent on events in this small, largely ignored country, and so (as so often) Google News is your best source for press reports. It’s all strangely reminiscent of the early stages of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution four and a half years ago, where the attention of the Western press was similarly slow to turn to the East, and information was similarly confused and confusing. All that is certain is that this is already turning nasty - and could yet turn nastier.

[Update 19:30 GMT]

Voronin has met with the leaders of the three main opposition parties and has agreed to a recount. It's unclear, though, if this will appease the protesters. There looks to be at least one effort to organize some sort of people's security force to maintain order downtown, which can't be a good sign. A couple of Twitter-ers are reporting that some of the Russian tanks based in Transnistria (as "peacekeeping forces," natch) are moving towards Chisinau, and while I would be surprised if those reports turned out to be true, the scale of today's protests took a lot of people by surprise as well.

Some reports suggest the violence has been and will be confined to the two-block area where the major government buildings are located; others are forecasting that opportunists will use the protests as a cover for looting shops in the downtown area.

Youth gone wild next to the old Ministry of Agriculture building, where the NGO that organized my
summer study program in Moldova had its offices when I first spent time there way back in 1999.
Source - unimedia.info


[source - unimedia.info]

Local online media portal Unimedia now has a page in English covering the situation in Chisinau -
titled "Big protestes in Chisinau, the capital of Republic of Moldova" - lots of videos, several photo galleries, and frequent updates. According to Unimedia, as of 9pm local time everything was quiet on the main square, with protests expected to resume tomorrow. Another page providing a running commentary, albeit in Romanian, is here. Another report from the scene (in English) was posted earlier today at Kosmopolito.

The Washington Post is running a lengthy AP story about the protests on its website, which has a slideshow. Pictures from the day's events have also been posted by LJ bloggers drugoi (here and here - the second one is a shot of an injured policeman, captioned with a line from an old Russian anekdot to which I only remember the punch line - "a crowd will f*ck you up, even if you're a lion") and snail-md (who has uploaded them to a slightly ungainly interface where you have to click to view the individual photos), as well as Moldovan blogger Denis Graur.

Russian news website Novyi Region 2 also has an article with a number of photos which I haven't seen elsewhere, showing the extreme destruction visited on the center of Moldovan power (such as it is).

Russian online newspaper Gazeta.ru has a long and generally well-written story, which however lost a bit of credibility by misspelling the names of a couple of opposition leaders in the next-to-last paragraph.

Other Russian reaction has been interesting - Gennady Zyuganov, the leader of Russia's Communist Party, has alleged that the protests are all a Western-organized plot. I wouldn't be surprised to hear similar sentiments from Putin if and when he speaks up on the developments in Moldova.

And Russian President Medvedev seems to have been the only foreign leader who managed to congratulate Voronin on his party's victory before all hell broke loose in Chisinau. This bears an unnerving similarity to what happened in the early stages of Ukraine's Orange Revolution - then-President Putin congratulating Yanukovych multiple times on his "victory" in the elections.

In case this collection of links is not sufficient, here is another collection (with not too much duplication) put together by a Moldovan blogging from Bratislava.

[Update 22:30 GMT]

This post has reached a length where it's become unwieldy to edit and probably unwieldy to read. Therefore, further updates (tonight or tomorrow, as time permits and the circumstances merit) will be in new posts - check the "Grape Revolution" tag.

For now, I leave you with some thoughts from two Moldovan bloggers (both of whom are also professional analysts and often blog in English) to whose writings I turn regularly for help in understanding events there. First, Nicu Popescu has some running commentary on the goings-on in downtown Chisinau earlier today. Nicu's second post of the day provides some background on the situation and suggests an action plan for the EU.

Second, Dumitru Minzarari has broken the two-month hiatus of his Political Moldova blog with three insightful posts today. The most recent one of them struck a chord with me, because I share the sentiments expressed whole-heartedly:
As I was afraid, the massive youth anti-communist protests are turning into something… not really good. What I mean, is that anti-communists protests should not turn into nationalist ones. We are a multinational country, and any citizen has the right to be heared, regardless of the language she speaks. Those ugly dwarves that slept for years, are trying to exploit the momentum.
Earlier in the day, Minzarari had expounded on the censorship which prevented accurate accounts of the protests from being broadcast and on the youth - tired of being "treated like scum, being humiliated, and their votes being stolen" - who participated in the protest, which according to him was caused at least in part by the authorities' "Soviet-style behavior." He also pointed out
[o]ne more hilarious thing – Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has just published on its official site, that “the results of the Parliament elections in Moldova are in line with the interests of Moldovan and Russian people”…. . Now how is that????
And here is Minzarari's third post of the day, an update which by now - given the rapidity of developments in Chisinau - is probably already out-of-date, but is still worth a read.

Just now, Dumitru has posted another update - apparently Voronin addressed the country (in Russian, strangely) - calling for the people to not support a violent putsch; however, the violence of the day's protests may have been initiated not by students but by thugs planted in the crowd to provoke violence and turn public opinion against the opposition.

On the other hand, a couple of Moldovans I've spoken with were surprised at the protests and don't understand why there should be such ardent opposition to election results which do not seem outrageously falsified (
although if it's true that, as some reports have stated, 200,000 dead people voted...) and which set up a continuation of the rule of a Communist Party which, while it has continued and entrenched the national tradition of corrupt governance, has at least provided a modicum of stability to the country. Granted, these are Moldovans who don't live in Moldova at the moment. I think it's possible that some people had planned for this protest to take place regardless of the result, but it's hard to tell from afar so I am trying to refrain from wild-eyed speculation.

At the very least, the government's response to the protests - stonewalling and media censorship - shows that the protesters had legitimate reasons for taking to the streets in the first place. Moreover, Moldova has maintained a surprising level of stability up to now during the "global economic crisis," or whatever we're calling it nowadays. My suspicion even before these violent events occurred had been that the post-election period would see a devaluation of the local currency (this is not a particularly unique opinion - see, e.g. here and here - although a devaluation hasn't yet occurred, despite substantial devaluations in neighboring Ukraine and in Russia, which has a strong influence on the Moldovan economy) and a deflation of the property bubble which has blown up in Chisinau in recent years.

The fact is that in recent years the dramatic growth in remittances sent home by migrant laborers has contributed greatly to a stability which may prove to have been illusory, much as soaring oil prices contributed to a sense of stability in Russia which the financial crisis has called into question. While I certainly hope, for the sake of my Moldovan friends and relatives, that the country can maintain at least a sense of stability, it looks as though it may be headed for more uncertain times.

Wednesday, April 01, 2009

Hiatus, interrupted

Buster has helped me realize it's OK to talk about blogging dry spells. I hope to put a couple of things up today / tonight but then may go back into hibernation for a bit.

Here's a story about a wonderfully human experience - so elusive in Moscow - by an old banya buddy (no jokes!) of mine.
A Gift for Reading Hall No. 1
Chronicle of Higher Education, April 3, 2009
By BRYON MACWILLIAMS

Moscow

I walk past the long line of people waiting to check their coats in the grandiose atrium of the Russian State Library. I stop next to the first person in line, a young woman. I smile, shed my wool overcoat, lay it across the counter.

An elderly woman in a dark blue smock approaches. I hand her my coat. "I'm in the first hall," I say.

"So what?" she says. "That doesn't make a difference anymore. We're all equal now."


I look at the young woman next to me. She looks down. I had not meant it that way, as if I were somehow exceptional. I was merely following the rules: Veterans of World War II do not need to wait in line, nor do those like me, those in Reading Hall No. 1.

Engraved into a brass plate on the tall, heavy wooden doors of the reading hall are the words, "For Professors, Academicians, and Doctors of Science." I am none of those. To the pensioners who work the coat check, it is apparent. Sometimes they glance at my library card to verify that I am telling the truth. Sometimes they look at me as if I were crashing a party — or, rather, the elite club as intended by the Communist Party.

I was placed in the first reading hall in the mid-1990s, when the Russian government still honored Soviet traditions of granting certain privileges to certain foreigners. Today the government is not enamored of foreigners, especially foreign journalists. Today I would be put in a reading hall that is less exclusive, and more crowded. I am a holdover from another time. And I am grateful.

For me, Reading Hall No. 1 is a retreat from the grim energy of this megalopolis, and from the things I do to avoid sitting still and working — sleeping, snacking, surfing the Internet, talking to friends, and chatting up women. Here in the first hall, the rules are different. I can request as many books as I want. I can keep books without renewing them for five days, not three. I can hold them for two months, not two weeks. I can also use a laptop for long periods; it is the only hall with electrical outlets. Most importantly, though — for a guy without a girlfriend, kids, or even a roommate — the reading hall is a place where I can labor at a solitary task, among people. Usually the people at the reading tables are much older men, in down-at-the-heel shoes and threadbare suits, who, one librarian told me, have been coming to the library for 50 years, "who come here for themselves, for the soul."

"It was conceived as a place for our very best specialists — those who love to read, and love the library. A special level, a very special level, was necessary, because important scientists sit here. They need quiet, they need comfort," Lyudmila Koval, head of the Museum of Library History, told me. "Of course it is splendid for a reader to walk in and, all around him, there is a kind of aura that is uncommon, extraordinary."

The reading hall is extraordinary. The ceiling is some three stories high, as are the banks of windows that overlook the crenelated walls of the Kremlin across the street, and, within, the golden domes of the Ivan the Great Bell Tower. In late morning the daylight drifts cool through gauzy white curtains that hang like crepe, accenting the faux-marble swirls of the imperious columns, and the grain of the shellacked wood of the reading tables. In early evening the muted light of the chandelier and the brass lamps with green lampshades bestow a cozy atmosphere, like that in a study at home.

For me, though, the uncommon aura of the reading hall is composed less of notions of grandeur and more of elements that are without pretense. The librarians, all women, are attentive, patient, helpful; sometimes they cut corners to get me a book. Moreover, they have introduced to the hall a dimension that was not envisioned by the architects in the early 1900s: In Reading Hall No. 1, there always are more plants than people.

Recently I counted 76 plants on the parquet floor, on the recessed window sills, and on bookshelves that serve as privacy screens on the reading tables. There are split-leaf philodendrons, creeping vines native to tropical rainforests in Central America. There are spider plants and tubular white arum lilies, natives of Africa. There are jade plants and Christmas cacti. There are ferns and ivies. There are hoyas in bloom, and begonias and hibiscuses that are not. All were brought from home, by the librarians.

There is an orange tree. There are lemon trees, and young date palms with spindly leaves. All of them were grown from seeds of fruit eaten by the librarians, and their families, at home. None of the trees actually bears fruit; this is the 55th parallel, after all. But the leaves of the plants are lush and, like all the surfaces in the reading hall, without dust.

When I moved to Russia, in 1996, I did not expect to see tropical plants. I expected gray skies, scarce sunlight, and long, cold, dark winters. Snow and vodka, yes. Split-leaf philodendrons, no. Yet just about everywhere I have reported, diverse places in each of the country's 11 time zones, I have seen exotic plants in public buildings, primarily universities and scientific institutes. They are tactile expressions of the human spirit, a devotion to beauty, and life, in dilapidated surroundings.

Everywhere, perhaps without exception, the caretakers of the plants are women. In Reading Hall No. 1 they are Oksana Sakharova and Natalya Lionova, librarians who arrive at 8 a.m., an hour before the library opens, and fill a half-dozen five-liter jugs with water from the private lavatory of the library's director. They transport the jugs in a stainless steel tub, on wheels. They let the water sit for a day, to allow chemicals to evaporate. Then they water the plants, together, over the course of about an hour.

Other librarians from other reading halls "come in and steal them," Ms. Sakharova told me, smiling. "I even have had to hide plants." The pilfering has less to do with avarice, she said, and more to do with the popular belief that one cannot rely on the health of plants purchased in stores, that "for a plant to live, it's best ... not to pass up a chance to break off a piece."

Some of the plants were donated by readers. "This palm tree was shipped to us by a reader from the Crimea," Ms. Sakharova said. "The coffee plant — see the tall one with the red fruit? — was given to us by a reader from Sochi," also on the Black Sea.

Others — more than a dozen — were donated by me: a tall palm grown from a coconut brought back from Sri Lanka; another palm, smaller, that was given to me by a friend. I've donated plants, native to regions from South Africa to South America, that I grew in the seven apartments I have rented over the past decade. I gave them to the hall because I am leaving the country soon. I am working here for possibly the last time. I am researching a book, my first.

I donated the plants because I wanted to give something back, something living. If my book is published, I will mail a copy to the librarians, who will place it in bookcase 43 N. 1, beneath the sign "Gifts from Readers," on a shelf near Soviet-era books like The Arithmetic of Infinity and Cosmonautics and Rocket Building, and more recent titles like From Where, and Toward What, Goes Russia?

The other day I asked a pensioner at the coat check what will happen after I leave, after my library card expires. If I come back, can I still work in the Reading Hall No. 1?

"Of course," said the woman in the blue smock. "Why couldn't you? Just stand here, and you'll always get a special place. Just come right here, and we'll take care of you."

Bryon MacWilliams reported from the former Soviet Union for more than a decade. He is writing a book about Russia through the culture of the banya, the Russian steam bath.
http://chronicle.com
Section: The Chronicle Review
Volume 55, Issue 30, Page B20

Wednesday, February 04, 2009

Another old Caucasus map

Check out this very high-res (but unfortunately in eight parts) map of the Caucasus from sometime in the 19th Century or perhaps earlier.

Putvedev's faith-based initiatives

A couple of the hired guns at one of last weekend's pro-gov't counterprotests.
My favorite part is the unrealistically hard-looking image of Dimmovochka.
[image source]


The Russian government has published, on PM Putin's website, a list of "measures undertaken to combat the consequences of the global financial crisis" (the word "crisis" never appears in official pronouncements without the modifier "world" or "global," because as any good United Russia functionary knows, the global financial crisis is called 'global' because it's happening outside of Russia).

But United Russia's supporters - both the ones hired as crowd filler and the ambitious, plum-job-seeking core - seem to be running on faith (to use a phrase immortalized by Eric Clapton).



Witness this by now infamous speech by a United Russia activist at one of last weekend's rallies. The speaker, a young lady named Maria Sergeeva, whose blog identifies her as "The Mashka" and who seems to like to post photos of herself, has helpfully posted a transcript of her remarks here. Here's my translation of the most testifyin' part of her performance (she even identifies her holy trinity!):
It's no secret: in Russia today there are forces which are trying to blame Putin, Medvedev and United Russia for our temporary difficuties. These forces are like a dangerous virus - as soon as they sense a weakening of our immune system, they'll attack.

But let's be honest with ourselves. Take me, for instance, a student who pays full tuition. In 1998 I wouldn't have known what to do. And now I don't just believe. I know for certain that Putin, Medvedev and the United Russia party will protect me. They'll give me the chance to take out a student loan at a rate of five percent, not 55 percent. They'll give me a job. They won't allow me to be fired illegally.
That post drew over 4,000 comments, many of them critical, compelling Ms. Sergeeva to write a rambling rebuttal castigating the "two-legged cockroaches on LiveJournal" and "parasites," and even deploying against her critics United Russia's rhetorical WMD - a quotation from the ideological architect of "sovereign democracy" himself, Vladislav Surkov - but (in case we forgot it was all about her) taking the first two paragraphs to marvel at her newfound fame. She sort of has elements of a Russian Sarah Palin - spunky and down-to-earth, but also self-contradictory and determinedly dim-witted, and not really ready for prime time.

It turns out that Ms. Sergeeva is not only a YouTube celebrity of sorts - an irony-free and more heavily managed version of Obama Girl, except without, you know, the singing - she is also a member of the political council of the Young Guards (United Russia's youth wing, usually abbreviated as MGER) and a videoblogger on United Russia's website, where the section devoted to blogs is wittily titled "Berloga" (which means "bear's den," but also happens to be spelled by inserting the initials of United Russia - ER, in Russian - after the "B" in "blog" - how punny!).

Based on her apparent inability to memorize even a few sentences of her monologues, and assuming the MGERovtsy are supposed to be a breeding ground for future Russian political elites, there really will be problems finding qualified leadership among the younger generation. Youth wings of political parties - especially parties with no opposition - are of course populated by careerist hacks to some degree in all countries, but this young lady takes self-absorbed hackdom to another level.

Anyway, here is a rather more articulate analysis of why Putin remains popular even in the face of an economic situation that seems to get more calamitous every week. The English translation is from the JRL, the original article in Russian is here.
Putin's Stable Popular Support Based on Cultural Closeness, Not Results

Gazeta.ru
January 29, 2009
Commentary by Boris Tumanov: "People Like Putin"

Despite all the crises,tragedies, disasters, and disorders, the citizens of Russia are not disillusioned with Putin because he is a symbol and the personification of themselves.

The global economic crisis with its still unknown outcome has already caused a marked intellectual revival in that segment of Russian society that can tentatively be called the thinking part of our elite. The general catalyst of this process is the expectation of sociopolitical cataclysms.

Russian thinkers who belong to the "vertical hierarchy of power" consider this perspective as a threat to their own well-being and seriously hope to avert it with the help the non-existent middle class and the traditionally obedient "tin soldiers,"' who are already being pushed into manifestations of loyalty. And their freedom-loving opponents believe just as sincerely that the coming upheavals will be a factor in the inevitable liberal transformations in the sociopolitical life of Russia.



However, in the former case it is nothing more than a helpless simulation of their own professional suitability, while in the latter it is an equally nonsensical, equally pretentious attempt at Cartesian analysis of the inscrutable instincts of Russian society.

As Solovyev's Khodzha Nasreddin would say in such circumstances, "Oh jinnis, you are searching where it is not hidden." For the main, if not the only, effective factor capable of determining the state of Russia in the foreseeable future is that almost symbiotic unity that exists between the largest part of Russian society and the person of the "national leader" known as Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin.

This unity could not be shaken by the tragedies of the Kursk, Nord-Ost, and Beslan, the administrative tyranny of "sovereign democracy," "Basmannyy justice," or the rumors of the "national leader's" fabulous personal wealth just as it cannot be shaken by the current growth in unemployment, inflation, devaluation of the ruble, the disintegration of mortgages, or even the coming deprivations.

Here are figures that thoroughly illustrate this assertion. According to the findings of the Levada Center, in September of last year an overwhelming majority of Russian citizens polled --61% -- thought that things were moving in the right direction in Russia and only 21% of the respondents thought that the country was taking a wrong path. The short war in Georgia played a part here, of course, but even today a majority of Russia's citizens believe that things are going well in the country. In December 2008 and January of this year their number remained constant at 43% while the number of pessimists dropped from 40% to 34%.

Last September also marked the peak of positive assessments of the activities of the government headed by Vladimir Putin, 66% against 31%. But in December 2008 and January of this yeart hese figures were 60% and 36%, and 58% and 38% respectively.

But then the activities ofVladimir Putin personally in the job of premier are evaluated by Russian citizens using some different system of coordinates and criteria, if we judge by the fact that in December 2008 and January 2009 he was consistently approved by 83% of those polled, while the number who were dissatisfied with his activities declined from 15% in December to 14% in January. We will add that the peak of approval of Putin's activities, 88%, came in that same victorious September.

Remarking this phenomenon, both the liberals and the state-minded thinkers -- the one in vexation, the other with chauvinistic satisfaction -- explain it by essentially the same factor, which is indeed the main, although not the only, factor in "Putinomania." For some this factor is formulated as the patriarchal inertia of Russian society, the result of many centuries of slavery, while the others see it as a manifestation of sovereign Russian uniqueness expressed in communality, spirituality, and patriotic unity with the government. At the same time the most inquisitive opponents of Putin become lost guessing about what kind of mistakes and blunders he would have to make or what "Egyptian plagues" would have to overtake Russia under his leadership to disillusion the majority of Russian citizens who love him.

It would be simplest to answer this question by saying that Vladimir Vladimirovich can do anything he wants, practically without risk to his popularity rating. But such an answer, even if it corresponds to reality, demands convincing explanation, or rather a detailed investigation of the genesis of the "national leader's" unprecedented popularity. Russia's leaders and Vladimir Putin personally are absolutely right when they say that the main reason for the current crisis was their responsible consumption of the West, above all the United States. But afterall, it was this very mindless consumption that caused the manna from heaven that poured down on Russia in recent years in the form of incredibly fast-rising oil prices.

And if we take an unbiased look at the results of these "seven fat years," those who sincerely care for the real interests of Russia and its citizens could register serious charges against the Russian leadership and Vladimir Putin himself regarding how they managed the wealth that Russia enjoyed.

Instead of fighting corruption, instead of effective army reform, instead of development and diversification of domestic production, instead of building up still restless provincial Russia, they worked on strengthening the vertical hierarchy of power, which guarantees them practically lifetime terms of office. And after setting their intention as restoring Russia's stature on a global scale, the Russian ruling elite managed to quarrel with almost all of their Western partners; indeed they have found themselves in virtual isolation. Beginning with Vladimir Putin's Munich speech and up to the recent gas war with Ukraine, Russia has stubbornly destroyed its own international reputation and pushed away not just Europe and the United States, but also our neighbors in the CIS.

If Russian society were consciously striving to assume responsibility for the fate of the country or, at a minimum, if it were capable of an independent evaluation of the government's actions, its reaction to such behavior by the government would be much less equable. But civic responsibility presupposes a search for alternatives, which requires intellectual and psychological exertion, and the citizens of Russia will not be ready for that for a long time. Not just because the few opponents of the government are incapable of formulating an intelligible alternative to the current course, but above all because of the traditional and almost panicky fear that Russian society will be deprived of its paternalistic oversight by the state. That is why Russian citizens do not try to look carefully at the mechanisms of control over the state, the economy, and society, preferring to rely on the omniscience of the tsar, great leader, or national leader who by definition cannot answer for the mistakes of the ordinary mortals under him.

But in Putin's case there is one substantive aspect that prevents us from viewing the universal trust of him exclusively in the framework of the fatalistic formula: "Good tsar but his boyars are indifferent." For unlike the tsars who are "ordained from above" and the general secretaries, the citizens of Russia are convinced that Putin took charge of Russia as the result of their own will, not Divine Providence or a decision of the Politburo. And the fact that they chose him the way they choose the best fellow in the village (athlete, does not smoke, likeable, went into intelligence work) only emphasizes that from the beginning this choice did not presuppose any political responsibility of Putin to the voters. That is why, from the standpoint of the citizens of Russia, Putin does not have to answer for the activities of his own government, for the results of his own term in office.

They do not judge Putin because for society he is not functional. He is a symbol. He is the personification of the Russian citizens themselves; they identify themselves with him. And this is perhaps the first case in Russian history when the purely reflexive worship by the Russian masses of the latest domestic divinity is tinged with a sincere feeling of solid affection for him.

Affection that is linked not with his political and economic decisions, but rather with the fact that his worldview, hopes, and complexes are indistinguishable from those of the average Russian citizen.

It is the diehard fastidious intelligentsia who may be horrified at the vulgar language that Vladimir Putin uses with emphatic pleasure in his public statements, and especially in contacts with Western politicians and journalists. It is the numerous snobs who are amused at the former president's almost childish liking for dressing up as a submariner, a fighter pilot, or showing off his torso, and his way, plainly seen at Kennebunkport, of imposing the company of his Labrador Koni on his foreign guests. It is the liberal analysts, who are becoming extinct, who see in his aggressive megalomania in relation to the West echoes of the old humiliation felt by the future national leader when he discovered that Germany, even though it was socialist, was able, unlike the USSR, not only to produce an adequate amount of beer, but also to bottle it in three-liter bottles with a convenient spigot. And they are malicious skeptics who blasphemously mock the apocryphal tale that during his entire KGB career Vladimir Putin, surrounded by militant and vigilant atheists, never parted with the cross around his neck and his belief in the Almighty, risking exposure at the first physical training exercise.

On the other hand, a majority of Russian society is in complete solidarity with these behavior traits of the national leader because they fully coincide with the social culture of the Russian citizens themselves, with their ideas about the outside world and their complaints about the rest of the human race.

Well then, if we add to these feelings the easy material well-being that coincided with Vladimir Vladimirovich's term of office for a significant part of the society, which continues to believe furiously in the return of the "rivers of gas and banks of oil," we can say with certainty that Putin is going to last a long time.

And, incidentally, so is today's Russia.



Tuesday, February 03, 2009

Blizzard and blame


CIMG2112, originally uploaded by lyndonk2.


From yesterday's thelondonpaper:
Up to 7 in (17.5cm [sic]) of snow was dumped on London last night after a blast of wintry weather from Russia hit the capital. [...]

The conditions were blamed on snowstorms from Russia and cold air sweeping in from the North Sea.
It's almost enough to make one take a closer listen to those folks who moan about a Russophobic conspiracy within the British media.